On stability and Continuity X (Conclusions-final)

G. E. Gorfu

We saw how Mualimu Julius K. Nyerere relinquished power voluntarily and passed the baton of leadership to become a farmer. His stature in Africa and in the eyes of the World Community increased tremendously with that simple act. We will examine why this is so.

Ethiopia, like Tanzania, is home to various ethnicities and diverse religious communities. But unlike Tanzania, though living mixed and intermingled, Ethiopians have recently been sectioned and divided into ethnic, language, and ‘administrative’ regions. This, indeed, is a sad development. The peaceful coexistence of many ethnicities and religious communities in Tanzania is a model for Ethiopia to copy and learn from. Any citizen should have the right and freedom to live, move, work, or set up business anywhere in the nation, without any barrier: ‘administrative’, language, religious, or question of ethnicity.

The shining example Neyerere left behind gave Tanzania stability and continuity to enjoy many democratic freedoms. Any government elected through genuine democratic process draws its legitimacy from the electorate, i.e., the citizens. And from that legitimacy come stability and continuity. Tanzania today moves peacefully on the path of stable progress.

Neyerere passing leadership to a successor peacefully is not unique in Africa. Nelson Mandela and Sedar Senghor have also done the same and gained great respect. Let us see why. Power is measured by restraint and self control, and a leader’s true wisdom is fully tested in breaking off the yoke of power and gaining one’s complete liberty. After all, far more climbers reach the peak of Mount Everest than descend safely, and arrive home to talk or write about it. Safe descent is the mountaineer’s ultimate victory, because a single slip could turn it all into disaster. This process requires careful planning and preparation.

Next, let us look at Botswana where the government made large segments of society ‘buy into the system’ by securing their Continued Property Rights. This might answer the questions of Prof. Clapham and explain why city dwellers are alienated from the EPRDF government, and why urban dwellers too, are indifferent or worse, resentful to it.

First, on property rights and disenfranchisement: the EPRDF took away land, reducing peasants to landless serfs of the government, and making them vulnerable to the rampant and excessive predation and extraction by officials, known as “musena” One may fool some people all the time, or all people some of the time. But one can never fool all the people all the time. Peasants are not stupid. Can this perhaps, explain their resentment?

Secondly, political power: The harsh measure requiring 51% signatures of parliamentary members just to bring an issue to the floor for discussion is draconian. What meaning would freedom of speech or of the press then have? This indicates that political power is concentrated in the hands of the few. And it does not bode well for stability. Just like any geometric or material object, political stability requires a wide base. The wider the better!

Finally, many civic liberties are drastically curtailed due to the election and its aftermath. We hope this is a passing phase, and the democratic process will move forward. Ethiopia lags far behind Botswana in securing property rights. Political and economic inclusion of wide segments of society is Botswana’s secret to stability, continuity, and prosperity.