No amount of
jubilation can hide Ethiopia's territorial loss
By Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia
April 16, 2002
En’quan
La’Me’rie’twa La’Chibt Afe’rwam Sisu Negn
(I am Greedy for Its Land Fragments, Let Alone for Its Territorial Integrity) -
Emperor Yohannes IV
Like all Ethiopians who awaited
eagerly the verdict of April 13 by the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) of
the International Court of Justice (ICJ), I was curious what the outcome would
be. The first news item dispatched by Reuters, in part, reads “Ethiopia has
been awarded all the territory it has claimed in its dispute with Eritrea, said
the official who declined to be named…this includes the villages of Badme,
Zalambessa, Aiga, Bure, and Bada.”
In addition to the
above-mentioned villages, Alitena and other less known villages were awarded to
Ethiopia as per the Ethiopian government memo. However, all this victory
declaration by the Ethiopian government was meant to hoodwink the Ethiopian
people and prepare them for jubilation and festivities. On the contrary
Ethiopians were not euphoric and to be sure, their country has lost more
territory to Eritrea.
To
begin with, even if Ethiopia was awarded by the Border Commission to have
control over Zalambessa, Aiga, Aletina, Bada etc, there are no territories
gained by Ethiopia. The so-called villages attributed to the victory of Ethiopia
were quintessentially Ethiopian and the maximum we can say is Ethiopia has
retained them. Repossessing ones own land does not make one celebrate
as if the country has managed to regain its historical territories that would
also include maritime sovereignty.
Contrary to repossessing
historical lands, the pruning of Ethiopia has begun in earnest, perhaps to
confirm my nightmare and the agony of fellow Ethiopians. In my previous
writings, I argued repeatedly that Ethiopia may lose some of its territories
while the general public concentrated on the most obvious areas of conflict like
Badme, Zalambessa, and Bure. In fact, I specifically mentioned those areas in
Gulomekeda, Irob, and Afar including the thermal energy/phosphate rich lands of
Dalol and others.
Early on, during the height of
the Ethio-Eritrean conflict, I suspected all along that the Ethiopian government
was bewitched by an external force and to this effect I wrote “Mirage
Politics and the Eritrean Trojan Horse” for a discussion in an e-mail
forum. Now, the statement of the Boundary Commission and the issuance of
companion maps confirm it beyond all doubt.
On
Map 3 , for instance, Ethiopia’s claim line marked in pink is
ostentatiously pretentious and hypocritical. In fact, by
its own admission to the Commission, Ethiopia has lost all those territories to
Eritrea. In this Map, the Ethiopian government claimed points between 11 and 30
that apparently include Tsorona, Guna Guna, Monoxeito, Massolae, Radacoma, and
Ragali. However, this pretence is nakedly exposed by 1) Ethiopia’s own
admission, and 2) by Map 11 issued
by the Commission.
According to the statement by
the Boundary Commission (p. 50, 4.69 and
4.70), the Ethiopian representatives at The Hague, in fact, seemed to
have advocated on behalf of Eritrea and not Ethiopia, and here are the facts:
The qualification as to the
northern section relates to Tserona. In its Reply, Ethiopia stated that a number
of specific places mentioned by Eritrea as the location of incidents on which
Eritrea was relying were irrelevant, since they were in any event mostly in
Eritrea. The Words used by Ethiopia were:
that
“Fort Cadorna, Monoxeito, Guna Guna and Tserona” were “mostly…
undisputed Eritrean places.” While Monoxeito and Guna Guna are on the
Eritrean side of the Treaty line as determined by the Commission, the
Commission finds that, on the basis of the evidence before it, Tserona and
Fort Cadorna are not.
As to
Tserona, the Commission cannot fail to give effect to Ethiopia’s Statement,
made formally in a written pleading submitted to the Commission. It is an
admission of which the Commission must take full account. It is necessary,
therefore, to adjust the Treaty line so as to ensure that it is placed in
Eritrean territory.
By the same token, Map
11 clearly reveals Ethiopia’s pretentious stance at Hague and, in
concrete terms, the loss of Ethiopian territories to Eritrea. Map 11 essentially
depicts what the Boundary Commission designates as the Central Sector, and as
evidenced by this map Zalambessa is virtually encapsulated by the new
Ethio-Eritrean border (which was not the case on the old Ethiopian maps) and,
adding insult to injury, numerous villages east of
Zalambessa are lost to Eritrea. For a better
understanding of this territorial loss, the reader must critically examine the
map under discussion. Lands between point 20 (Zalambessa) and point 21 (Enda
Dashim) which were originally Ethiopian are now parts of Eritrea, and because of
this paradox of irredentism, Monoxeito (hypocritically claimed by Ethiopia) is
now found far in land into Eritrea which was but on the border of Ethiopia and
Eritrea in the old maps.
In order to justify the
Ethiopian government pretence and the Eritrean claim of the areas between points
20, 21, and 22, the Border Commission has established a fictitious river by the
name Muna. There is no river
Muna as I have indicated in the January 12, 2002 Washington DC public
meeting sponsored by the TISJD. On Map 11, Muna is confused with Berbero
Gado (as known by the Irob people) as was mistaken in the 1900 Treaty
with Endeli and Ragali. This toponymic confusion is well
established by historians. With the geopolitical concession by the Ethiopian
government to Eritrea (inverted irredentism), therefore, it would not be
surprising if Midir Ruba, Sebia, and Endalgeda (Dalgeda) are now outside
Ethiopian jurisdiction and parts of Eritrea.
Similarly, on the
Western Sector, all the vast area (hypocritically claimed) under pink
line and which include the villages of Odas, Bao,
Shelalo, Gogula, Mochiti, Biagela, and up to the western frontier (except for Om
Hajar) would have been Ethiopian, but they are all lost to Eritrea.
This pretence on the part of the Ethiopian government, again contradicts with
its acceptance of the defunct treaty of 1902. Now, we know that Eritrea
possesses even Badme.
Chapter
VI of the Boundary Commission report states that both Ethiopia and
Eritrea do have the same position on the meaning of the “coast” (the Eastern
Sector): “The first question that arises in the application of Article I of
the Treaty is the definition of the coast. Ethiopia abandoned its conception of
the coast as including islands and submitted in its concluding argument that
“the coastline” should be understood as “adhering continuously to the
continent itself, and not any coastlines of islands as such.” This was
also the position presented by Eritrea. As the parties are in agreement on this
point, the Commission will take as the coastline the line adhering to the
continent itself, and not any coastlines of islands…”
The Ethiopian jurists
acquiescence, as opposed to the national interest of Ethiopia, implies that the
Ethiopian government has no interest to pursue Ethiopia’s outlet to the sea
and does not seem to have regard to the aspiration of the Afar people. Moreover,
if one reads Map 4, there
is confusion on the delimitation (the 1908 Treaty on the eastern coast was
already complicated) and might further obscure demarcation deliberations. By
comparison, Map 12 is clearer in its geographic coordinates but may altogether
ignore the self-determination of the Afar people.
The Italian colonialists
bequeath the original sin for the entire problem that Ethiopia now encounters
when they successfully created Eritrea by an “act of surgery,” as Trevaskis
puts in his political history of Eritrea. At present, the act of surgery, which
I called pruning at the beginning of this essay, is being conducted against
Ethiopia.
At any rate, whether
Ethiopia lacks a government that advocates on its behalf or the country is
experiencing temporary setback, is a transient political phenomenon if seen in
light of history. The PCA and the Commission’s decision are theoretically
rendered null and void by the vast majority of Ethiopians and will be relegated
into the dustbin of history once a popular, democratic, and patriotic government
ascends to power. That will be the day!
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