A Review

Great books, like old wine, mature in the womb of time. Some books are great because they advance an original thesis that dazzles us by its scope and newness, which occasionally shocks us by its boldness, and sometimes we are almost helplessly taken in by the sheer elegance of argumentation. Many such books exist in the market. So suddenly do such books come to our life; sooner still, do they depart from our memory bank. Some other books are great not only because they are original, but because they posses something beyond that transient quality. Long after their originality has waned, they are still seminal contributions to our enlightenment. They humanize us by expanding our imaginations, by correcting our warped visions, by informing us with new facts. Such books are typically interdisciplinary; they blend history, theory and economics. The authors of such books have synthetic minds, are serious, engaged, patient and profoundly respectful of history. The book under review, Ethiopia: The Political Economy of Transition is one such book, and the author, the Columbia University trained, Dr. Ghelawdewos Araia, is one such author.

The Political Economy of Transition is original, provocative, serious and beautifully written. When this book appeared five years ago, it commanded the readership of the American public. Six years later, at a crucial time in Ethiopian history, its timelessness has brought the rapt attention of the Ethiopian/African readership, for whom, it is a pleasure to review.

Through a series of succinct and thoughtful chapters, the reader of this book is politically and historically educated to diverse themes in Ethiopian history. The first three chapters are engaging essays addressing the genealogy and archeology of the modern Ethiopian state, first under Tewodros (1855-1868) and then under Yohannes (1872-1889), followed by the brilliant founder of the modern Ethiopian state, Menelik (1899-1913), leading to Emperor Haile Selassie's long reign (1930-1974) and ending with the totalitarian socialism of the notorious Derg. It is under the reign of Menelik, contends Ghelawdewos, that the Ethiopian state becomes modern. Under Menelik, Ethiopia develops a modern bureaucracy, however feudal the bureaucracy was, and during this time, is introduced to an efficient health and educational infrastructure. The telephone, telegraph, electricity, modern hospitals, the bank of Abyssinia, the Franco-Ethiopian railroad, were all fully operating. Indeed, argues the author, it is Menelik who introduced modernity without capitalism (p,27).

After the death of Menelik, Ras Teferi, who is popularly known to the world as Emperor Haile Selassie, furthers the unfinished project of modernity, argues Ghelawdewos, under the emperor, "Ethiopia suffered gross injustice. He was merciless in liquidating political opponents while incarcerating others for life. Under him also Ethiopia did not experience development and progress (P, 45)." Under his long rule, and to his credit, industries did flourish. The main industries were food, beverage, tobacco, textile, leather and shoe, wood industry, paper and paper products, printing and publishing, chemical and metal products. All light consumer industries (P, 48)." Unfortunately, contends the author, the work conditions in the industries, the uneven distribution, improper allocation and the persistence of feudal ownership in very few hands crashed the democratic pretensions. It is these injustices that provoked a powerful student movement to spearhead the agenda of radical change, and disturbed the tranquility of the sleepy Ethiopian state, accustomed to the politics of hunger, famine, massive unemployment and liquidation of dissidents.

This is one of the central theses of the author, a thesis that gives the book its seminality and prophecy. From this point onwards, the author follows the red thread of crisis in the modern Ethiopian state. Ghelawdewos observes, "...in a country with no democratic tradition, students were to shoulder a mammoth historical task and advocate the cause of the masses. The Government, aware of the student opposition and better organization attempted to curtail their activities by outlawing demonstrations (P, 62)."

Students supported the Eritrean question, for example, as a dimension of their activities. In student publications, the question of nationalities was examined. A student, Walelign Mekonen, wrote a widely read and sophisticated article, in which he argued that all nationalities have a right to self-determination, "up to and including cessation of oppressed nationalities (P, 63)." From the very beginning, ESM fought for the fundamental rights of the people, as exemplified in its defense of the rights of nationalities. These commitments to freedom shook the fragile foundation of the Ethiopian state, concludes Ghelawdewos.

Later chapters continue to track Ethiopian history. After a protracted period of intense political struggle propelled by ESM, the Emperor is finally deposed, and the notorious Derg, as the self-proclaimed voice of the masses comes to the national scene. The Ethiopian state is shaken up again by Marxist-Leninist rhetoric. Like its predecessor, the Derg was weary of the unruly students. It knew well whom to hate. The Derg begins to execute student leaders. To appease the masses and isolate the students the Derg smartly calls itself socialist. Ethiopian socialism was the new banner. This socialism was presented as a blend of Ethiopian egalitarianism and scientific socialism.

The honeymoon of the Derg did not last long. The greatest challenge to its reign came from leftist intelligencia, under the name of the EPRP. The EPRP's program appealed to a broad spectrum of the masses: the military forces, city dwellers, townsmen, and villagers and patriotic country people. The Derg is now seriously threatened. Another organization, the AESM (Meisone), too comes to the scene, with its minimal program of critical support of the Derg. The Derg plays these organization. In the end the Derg proved to be a highly repressive, intolerant, and mercilessly authoritarian party presided over by "psychopaths like Mengistu" concludes Ghelawdewos. All this repression finally lead first to the activities of EPRP, and the transitional government of the regime that we have now. Like all organizations, Ghelawdewos says, the EPRP has its strengths and weaknesses. Its strength was "its uncompromising, relentless, and bold struggle it enhanced to ensure the democratic rights of the Ethiopian people... it had consistently fought to maintain Ethiopian unity while at the same time advocated for the self-determination of nationalities." (P,140).

Its weakness was that, "the form of struggle it pursued was disastrous." It had concentrated in the cities without assessing the military force of the Derg, and did not carry out a sufficient class analysis of Ethiopian society. It misconceived the fascism of the Derg. We have arrived at the transitional period, and the final chapters of the book. Ghelawdewos correctly warns us that he cannot say very much about this transitional regime, since it is that of toddlers, who have not been tested by time. His indelible advice is that Ethiopia must remain united. Economic development in Ethiopia requires a united Ethiopian state, sufficiently respectful of ethnic languages and nationalities, but not crippled by them. He states:
It is my great concern that Ethiopia must remain united. This book thoroughly discusses the question of nationalities, and I have supported unequivocally the right of nationalities to self-determination. However, the unity of Ethiopia, both from economic standpoint and symbolism has enormous and advantages and political clout...only big nations can do well in terms of overall economic development. Thus, regional cooperation for the Horn of Africa, if not the whole of Eastern Africa is imperative at this historical juncture.

I agree with the author as I did in The Human Condition in Africa: Moral Philosophy and Development (Ohio University press, 1992) a decade ago, that the deplorable human condition in Africa requires a concerted continental African intervention. I applaud the author's consistent effort, intelligently articulated in East African Forum, to advance this indelible advice. In the end, it is the Pan-Ethiopian and Pan-African strategies of development that are the best visions available these days. I hope that our readers carefully study this book, when they are not otherwise busily cleaning house and quenching legitimate democratic demands. I am honored to have read this remarkable book, one of the three best books written by native Ethiopians.